Socjotechnika lęku – zastosowanie w XXI wieku

Human control the masses by means of shaping the level of anxiety is known for thousands of years. The change over the last anxiety promoters decades does not mean a departure from the fundamental principle of social engineering speaking, that controlled system maintained in the state boost general anxiety is more susceptible to influence. Today, the mass media, which function in the conditions of globalization is part of the media logic, that the mechanism of use more efficiently than ever before. At the same time contribute one – probably only partly consciously – characteristic for social engineering the process of the reproduction of the social order, which targets are determined by the interests of the social system. The main objective of the considerations presented in the article is to indicate the timeliness of the application of the intensifying anxiety as a mechanism to subjugate the people. The author tries to answer two questions. First, why in spite of the development of democratic forms of governance be an effective way to influence and, second, why the modern mass media so eager to participate in these activities? The conclusions from the analysis indicate that the social engineering principle, according to which the system controlled maintained able to stimulate general anxiety is more vulnerable to the impact of the gains today, a new dimension because of the inconsistencies of the purpose of the reproduction of social order. This increases even more the role of the mass media, that the mechanism of intensifying anxiety use driven by their own interests. The article has a theoretical nature, is based on a critical analysis of social engineering and praxeology publications and illustrations cases of the application of the social engineering tactics of fear in the 21st century.Sterowanie ludzkimi masami za pomocą kształtowania poziomu lęku znane jest od tysięcy lat. Zmiana stymulatorów lęku w ciągu ostatnich dekad nie oznacza odejścia od podstawowej zasady socjotechnicznej mówiącej, iż system sterowany utrzymywany w stanie pobudzenia lękowego jest bardziej podatny na wpływ. Współcześnie, środki masowego przekazu, których funkcjonowanie w warunkach globalizacji wpisuje się w tzw. logikę medialną, potrafią ów mechanizm wykorzystywać sprawniej, niż kiedykolwiek. Jednocześnie współtworzą one – zapewne tylko po części świadomie – charakterystyczny dla socjotechniki proces reprodukcji porządku społecznego, którego cele zdeterminowane są interesami systemu społecznego

Seksualność w socjotechnice dyscyplinowania

The paper ponders the subject of utilizing human sexuality in the process of social discipline. The author perceives this process as a modern form to subjugate an individual primarily on the basis of symbolic coercion. Making reference to the classical works of Michel Foucault the author emphasizes the factors that allow sexuality to be used for social programming. Foucault was critical of the idea that we experience the repression of a natural sexual drive, at least in its traditional meaning. In his opinion, multiplied knowledge of sex should be noted in Western societies, which leads to the hyper-development of sexual discourse, theory and the science of sexuality. He questioned the stereotypical understanding of sexual repressiveness, which determines a way of thinking in terms of a simple retaliation taken for inappropriate sexual behavior. He suggested that less observable programming control be introduced instead, based on disciplining. The limits of discourse are established by the admissible sexual relations. Whatever goes beyond this discourse, whatever is not contained within it, becomes abnormal and, potentially, repressed. The objectives of programming control and the limits of discipline are decided not only by the church and state, but also by business and media concerns, which fill the discourse with certain subjects thus deciding what dimensions of sexuality are permissible. Confessions that used to be confined to confessionals and psychoanalysts’ surgeries have become media commodities used not only marginally by pornography, but formatted to excite, fill voyeuristic needs and experience vicarious sensations. Discourse is becoming an area of apparent freedom, whereas in fact it is a means to discipline society. This seeming expansion of discourse limits to a lesser degree concerns the realm of problems and to a greater degree – accessibility. What used to be an object of communicative interest reserved for the elite has been included in mass discourse because this is the requirement of modern democracy and a liberal economy

The impact of scandal on public opinion

Skandal polityczny rzadko pojawia się jako przedmiot analizy naukowej, być może dlatego, że znajduje się na pograniczu obszaru ludzkich ułomności i słabości systemu. Nie wiadomo, czy powinni badać to zjawisko psycholodzy, socjolodzy, politolodzy, czy specjaliści z zakresu komunikowania społecznego. Wpływ skandalu na opinię publiczną jest jednak niezaprzeczalny tak samo jego konsekwencje dla funkcjonowania systemu politycznego. Skandale zmiatają ze sceny prezydentów, premierów, ministrów, niszczą kariery polityków, a także owocują brzemiennymi w skutki kryzysami społecznego zaufania do władzy. Wydarzenie z udziałem osób publicznych, przede wszystkim polityków, napiętnowane jako skandal stanowi cios w kapitał społeczny władzy. Jego znaczenie jest często niedoceniane wobec rozstrzygnięć proceduralnych demokracji. Osoby uwikłane w skandal stanowią dla opinii publicznej żywy dowód niezgodności deklarowanego – zwłaszcza w trakcie kampanii wyborczych – przywiązania do zasad etycznych i faktycznego ich łamania. Artykuł zawiera rozważania na temat samej istoty skandalu, określając go jako akt naruszenia normy, ujawnienie tego naruszenia oraz reakcję opinii publicznej. Scharakteryzowano w nim także podstawowe koncepcje dotyczące przyczyn rosnącej ilości skandali oraz ich konsekwencji dla społeczeństwa.Skandal polityczny rzadko pojawia się jako przedmiot analizy naukowej, być może dlatego, że znajduje się na pograniczu obszaru ludzkich ułomności i słabości systemu. Nie wiadomo, czy powinni badać to zjawisko psycholodzy, socjolodzy, politolodzy, czy specjaliści z zakresu komunikowania społecznego. Wpływ skandalu na opinię publiczną jest jednak niezaprzeczalny tak samo jego konsekwencje dla funkcjonowania systemu politycznego. Skandale zmiatają ze sceny prezydentów, premierów, ministrów, niszczą kariery polityków, a także owocują brzemiennymi w skutki kryzysami społecznego zaufania do władzy. Wydarzenie z udziałem osób publicznych, przede wszystkim polityków, napiętnowane jako skandal stanowi cios w kapitał społeczny władzy. Jego znaczenie jest często niedoceniane wobec rozstrzygnięć proceduralnych demokracji. Osoby uwikłane w skandal stanowią dla opinii publicznej żywy dowód niezgodności deklarowanego – zwłaszcza w trakcie kampanii wyborczych – przywiązania do zasad etycznych i faktycznego ich łamania. Artykuł zawiera rozważania na temat samej istoty skandalu, określając go jako akt naruszenia normy, ujawnienie tego naruszenia oraz reakcję opinii publicznej. Scharakteryzowano w nim także podstawowe koncepcje dotyczące przyczyn rosnącej ilości skandali oraz ich konsekwencji dla społeczeństwa

The features of political images and emotions in the voting for Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński in the 2010 presidential elections. A report from a survey on the political attitudes of students

In the theory of political marketing the concept of the image appears crucial when explaining electoral preferences and behaviors. This paper presents a survey into the relations between image factors and liking for the main two candidates in the presidential elections in Poland in 2010. It is widely supposed that the assessment of a candidate’s image should translate into a definite (positive or negative) emotion towards him or her. An empirical analysis of the influence of political images on political attitudes, however, leads to a slightly more modest conclusion regarding the power of such influence. Surveys do not unconditionally confirm the assumption that voter’s emotions are unequivocally determined by a candidate’s image, especially as the decisive factors in stimulating support for a given politician (or party) may be provided by negative emotions evoked by his or her rival. The results of the survey do confirm an observation that has already been noted in the literature, that cognitive judgments of a candidate’s image have a considerably weaker influence on voter preferences than the emotions he evokes.In the theory of political marketing the concept of the image appears crucial when explaining electoral preferences and behaviors. This paper presents a survey into the relations between image factors and liking for the main two candidates in the presidential elections in Poland in 2010. It is widely supposed that the assessment of a candidate’s image should translate into a definite (positive or negative) emotion towards him or her. An empirical analysis of the influence of political images on political attitudes, however, leads to a slightly more modest conclusion regarding the power of such influence. Surveys do not unconditionally confirm the assumption that voter’s emotions are unequivocally determined by a candidate’s image, especially as the decisive factors in stimulating support for a given politician (or party) may be provided by negative emotions evoked by his or her rival. The results of the survey do confirm an observation that has already been noted in the literature, that cognitive judgments of a candidate’s image have a considerably weaker influence on voter preferences than the emotions he evokes

Nowe determinanty socjalizacji politycznej w dobie Internetu

The media appears to play an increasingly significant role in the process of political socialization. This is the outcome of the large amount of time people spend every day in front of their screens and other sources of information on the one hand, and from the growing ‘intimacy’ of their relations with their devices. A majority of Poles (ca. 64% in 2017 in the 15+ age group) have smartphones, and thus the possibility of being online at practically every moment. This proportion can be assumed to be even higher among schoolchildren. This precipitates a question of the extent to which access to the web influences the process of political socialization, and what impact it has on the processes of social adjustment. This article attempts to compare and review theoretical tenets of the concept of political socialization. The validity of some assumptions made in the pre-internet area is questioned in the face of the contemporary reality of the world operating in permanently-logged-in mode. A handful of recommendations are also put forward for a more socially useful application of the media in the adjustment of the individual (in particular young people) to living in the circumstances of media democracy.W procesie socjalizacji politycznej media wydają się odgrywać coraz istotniejszą rolę. Wynika to nie tylko z dużej ilości czasu spędzanego każdego dnia przed ekranami i innymi nośnikami informacji, ale i coraz większej „intymności” w relacjach z urządzeniami – większość Polaków (ok. 64% w 2017 r. w grupie 15+) posiada smartfon, który daje możliwości bycia online niemalże w każdym momencie życia. Należy założyć, iż w grupie młodzieży szkolnej, odsetek ten jest większy. Skłania to do zadania pytania: na ile dostęp do sieci wpływa na proces socjalizacji politycznej i jakie są jego skutki w obszarze procesów społecznego dostosowania? Celem artykułu jest ich zestawienie i próba zrewidowania założeń teoretycznych dotyczących pojęcia socjalizacji politycznej. Poddajemy w wątpliwość aktualność pewnych założeń ery przedinternetowej w stosunku do współczesnych realiów świata funkcjonującego w trybie permanent-logged-in. Wysuwamy też propozycję kilku rekomendacji mogących stanowić podstawę do bardziej użytecznego społecznie wykorzystania mediów w obszarze dostosowania się (w szczególności młodej) jednostki do życia w warunkach demokracji medialnej

Struktura i uwarunkowania afektywne go komponentu postaw politycznych studentów

It is indisputable that emotions predominate in shaping political attitudes. This is corroborated by the development of political marketing, whose techniques and means are mainly directed at voters’ emotions. The paper presents the results of research into the affective component in the political attitudes of university students. To a large extent the analysis confirms the hypothesis that religious organizations have a significant impact on developing a positive emotional attitude towards right-wing politicians and parties, whereas the media strongly influence the emergence of similar attitudes towards liberal political entities. Advocates of the right wing declare their commitment to national values and patriotism, while demonstrating a relatively passive attitude to politics. The respondents whose opinions indicate liberal sympathies emphasize their satisfaction with life and intention to be active in the field of politics. The important conclusion to be drawn from this research is that the family contin- ues to have a significant impact on the emotional political attachments of the young, whereas the influence of school in this regard is definitely limited.It is indisputable that emotions predominate in shaping political attitudes. This is corroborated by the development of political marketing, whose techniques and means are mainly directed at voters’ emotions. The paper presents the results of research into the affective component in the political attitudes of university students. To a large extent the analysis confirms the hypothesis that religious organizations have a significant impact on developing a positive emotional attitude towards right-wing politicians and parties, whereas the media strongly influence the emergence of similar attitudes towards liberal political entities. Advocates of the right wing declare their commitment to national values and patriotism, while demonstrating a relatively passive attitude to politics. The respondents whose opinions indicate liberal sympathies emphasize their satisfaction with life and intention to be active in the field of politics. The important conclusion to be drawn from this research is that the family contin- ues to have a significant impact on the emotional political attachments of the young, whereas the influence of school in this regard is definitely limited

The Infl uence of Mass Media on Political Attitudes of Students vs. Analysis of Own Research

The article contains an evaluation of results of a survey carried out among Poznań university students. Its purpose was to investigate which media are used by students in order to obtain socio-political information and what kind of attitudes towards political parties and politicians are connected to the use of certain mass media. In today’s democracy media play the role which is hard to overestimate but crucial changes occur as to their potential impact on the individuals’ attitudes. The young generation of the electorate entering adult life read fewer and fewer newspapers and magazines, choosing instead the Internet rather than television. The assumption about the subjectivism of mass media content infl uencing the various emotions of audiences was almost completely confi rmed. The survey results show that the press and TV news programs are far advanced in the process of an intentional creation of images of reality. However, the increasing role of Internet portals introduces new features to public discourse, resulting in a greater balance of political attitude

Students and politics. The research of emotional attitudes component

The liberal democracy assumes that the most crucial factor of system legitimization, the issue of common political participation, especially electoral activity. Realizing this goal is possible through creating the attitudes of participation, mostly among the generation starting the adult life. One of the goals realized on various stages of educational teaching programs is increasing social and political engagement of teenagers, creating citizenship attitude and as a result increasing active participation of the youth in politics. Creating emotional side of the attitude- not only in relations to the politics- is far easier than cognitive or behavioral component. In the subject literature the impact of emotions on creating the attitudes is widely described. In the object literature the role of emotions in creating the attitudes (also political ones) is widely described. Positive emotions in many cases are the conditions for certain behaviours towards attitude objects. It might be assumed that positive feeling about politics and political institutions will result in greater effectiveness in the sphere of political society. This thesis analyses the conditions of students attitudes towards politics and dependencies between experienced emotions and the issues including political engagement, citizenship attitude, nationalistic attitude. The thesis shows mutual changes between them. The question which has been also analyzed is the issue of political socialization subjects in creating positive feelings about politics. The results of the analyses performed showed dominating role of media in creating emotional attitudes towards politics as not traditional socialization agendas such as family, school or church. The results obtained present also what personal and sociodemographic features of the questioned are linked to their positive emotions in the researched area. The most crucial personal property appeared to be optimism, while sociodemographic variable is parents educatio

Post-truth and the new media. Do we need post-truth?

Termin postprawda uznany przez redaktorów Oxford Dictionaries za słowo 2016 roku, jeszcze kilka miesięcy temu stanowił modny w kręgach intelektualistów i przedstawicieli nauk społecznych termin lepiej lub gorzej opisujący rzeczywistość załamującego się dość niespodziewanie ładu zachodniego świata. Dziś z powodzeniem wchodzi on do języka potocznego będąc chętnie stosowanym przez publicystów, dziennikarzy, a nawet satyryków. W obliczu tak gwałtownego wzrostu popularności postprawdy, warto zadać pytanie czy politolog w swoim aparacie pojęciowym potrzebuje nowego terminu i czy może wnieść on coś do badań nad rzeczywistością polityczną, szczególnie biorąc pod uwagę wydarzenia takie jak Brexit czy wybór Donalda Trumpa na 45. Prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych. Celem artykułu jest więc odpowiedź na pytanie: na ile postprawda tworzy pewną pojęciową autonomię? Drugim natomiast, jest pytanie o dystrybucję treści niezgodnych z prawdą i udział w tym procederze nowych mediów.Post-truth was acknowledged as the word of 2016 by the editors of the Oxford Dictionaries. Several months ago it was a fashionable term used by intellectuals and scholars in the social sciences to offer a better or worse description of the reality of the Western world and the quite unexpected collapse of its order. Today, post-truth is successfully employed in everyday speech by columnists, journalists and even satirists. Given this rapid popularity of post-truth, it is worth asking the question of whether a new term is required to complement the conceptual apparatus of political science, and if such a term can make any contribution to studies into the political reality, particularly when such events as Brexit or the election of Donald Trump as the 45th US President are taken into account. The purpose of this paper is therefore to answer the question of the extent to which post-truth is conceptually autonomous. Another question concerns the dissemination of false information and the participation of new media in this process

Uwarunkowania sympatii wobec PJN i RP w badaniach postaw politycznych studentów

The aim of the following work is to analysis the results of survey concerning the structures and conditioning of students’ political attitudes. The factors which create appreciation to two political parties, Palikot’s Movement (presently Your Movement) and Poland Comes First and their leaders, were shown. The assessment of sympathy towards the parties was made in order to nd out if it is not related with the political organizations from which the leaders come (Civic Platform and Law and Justice). The issue of emotions was also analysed since they are important elements of the attitudes, as well as they form them. The studies associated with the political attitudes improve that emotions towards the candidates have an impact on the voting process. Electors often have preconception feelings towards the candidates when they don’t know anything about their platforms. The survey shows, that Janusz Palikot is much more recognizable as the politician than Paweł Kowal. The attitudes towards his party are very emphatic and they are related with the antipathy to Law and Justice and Jarosław Kaczynski and with the sympathy to Donald Tusk, the prime minister. The analysis also suggest that the supporters of Poland Comes First create their views through the traditional socializing agendas like the social background, whereas the supporters of Janusz Palikot’s party form their views on the basis of contact with their partners, at the same time rejecting the traditional socializing institution as the church